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The Orwellian Dystopia of Business Regulation
by G. Stolyarov II
The principle of capitalism poses a severe threat to the Party in 1984 as the vehicle moving toward a
meritocratic society and a technological paradise, both key to the improvement
of living standards. The pseudo-histories of Oceania include thoughtless slander
against financial giants of the past and lies concerning the "improvements"
brought about by the regulations of the bureaucrats, which had amounted to the
theft (or "confiscation") of property earned through the effort and innovation
of superlative individuals. In order to halt the advance of industry, the Party
seeks to bring industry into its grasp, to subsequently apply it, not to the
material gain sought by the capitalists, but to the mental indoctrination
required for tribal supremacy. The process of dismantling private enterprise has
been lengthy and devastating in the United States as well. It proceeded at a
more gradual tempo, with fewer outbreaks of violence against entrepreneurs, yet
it was no less coercive. From the molding of businessmen into blackguards of the
media to the stringent enforcement of the abomination that is antitrust to the
intervenient policy of minimum wage, the paws of Big Brother lunged at another
target of the oligarchy, the economy, the gears of progress which the Witch
Doctors had struggled for seventy years to
dismantle.
Antitrust: Suffering for Suffering’s Sake
Microsoft, a leading manufacturer of widely embraced computer software,
recently stood trial for "monopolizing" the market and violating antitrust
regulations designed to prevent "unfair competition". Judge Thomas Penfield
Jackson ordered the company split, from which the corporation escaped years
later as a successor on the bench became struck by the commonsense realization
that the disunion of a major stock contributor to the market would be followed
by the augmentation of an already receding economy. The life's work of Bill
Gates had escaped demolition, yet the force, fervor, fear, and hatred with which
its opponents had conducted their campaign demonstrated the potency of
regulators in the modern economic arena.
A key accusation hurled against Microsoft was of the
illegitimacy of its business dealings. Microsoft had informed the manufacturers
of personal computers that, should they wish to employ its programs on their
machinery, they must install none of the competing brands. Such firms possessed
the opportunity to refuse the offer and sever commercial ties with Mr. Gates's
company. However, they resolved, under no pressures but those of a rational
market system, that the demand of the public is centered around Microsoft
products and that they would thus gain money by accepting the proposal. Of
course, this reduced the profit of miscellaneous enterprises manufacturing
computer software, for there was fewer demand for their product. From the will
of the consumers as well as the consensual bargain between the producers, they
were unable to sustain their sales. Because Microsoft's software was favored to
an immensely greater extent, a trial was initiated.
Another charge against the firm was its automatic
inclusion of a web browser with its Windows operating systems. This convenience
was advantageous to consumers, but it evoked fury from less competent companies
who would rather drain the time and opportunities of customers by forcing them
to select a browser independently, so that they would perhaps possess the
likelihood of purchasing competing products. Yet if a man wishes to be spared
the hassle and expense of purchasing a given commodity and is content with the
offer before him, is this reason to sue the company that rendered the offer
existent? For the envious firms of the competition, it was. And they possessed
statist legislation to assist them.
The Microsoft
trial is an egregious example of the immorality of antitrust laws. ‘The case
exemplifies all that is immoral about antitrust, which punishes the productive
and able because they are productive and able. Microsoft is a giant in the
computer market because it has created products of value to its customers, not
because it has forced junk onto unwilling consumers,' said Michael S. Berliner,
ARI's executive director. The Microsoft antitrust trial has been fueled by the
envy of its competitors, among them Netscape, which feared that it would lose
its market because Microsoft was delivering a web browser with its Windows
software packages. Instead of creating a better product, Netscape simply decided
to keep Microsoft, its more popular rival, from competing with it by pressuring
the Department of Justice to bring the suit. Explaining the consequences of
antitrust laws to successful businesses, Ayn Rand wrote: 'The threat of sudden
destruction, of unpredictable retaliation for unnamed offenses leaves men no
other policy save one: to please the authorities without standards or
principles. Anyone possessing such a stranglehold on businessmen possesses a
stranglehold on the wealth and material resources of the country, which means: a
stranglehold on the country.'" (Ayn Rand Institute Press Release, October
26, 1998)
The purpose of antitrust laws is precisely antithetical
to that of a laissez-faire economy. In a capitalist system, an efficient and
inexpensive product by one company will result in a product of superior
performance and lower cost by a rival, should the latter wish to remain in
business. The constant amelioration of goods causes the indolent to confront a
choice; to mend their practices or to wither away. The most competent,
innovative, and consumer-friendly enterprises fare best and continue to expand.
Commodities are affordable, in high demand, and of superb quality. Antitrust
laws, on the other hand, favor the slothful. A firm which cannot furnish a
preferred product or service is permitted to limit the capacities of one which
can for the sake of "fair play", i.e., the same wicked morality of an "even
playing field" which drives forced volunteerism initiatives. This, of course,
causes the market to stagnate or decline, along with the living conditions of
the general population. Such regulations design the ideal background for the
emergence and "stable" reign of a collectivist oligarchy which seeks precisely
the aforementioned effects. Savage and irrational emotions such as envy result
in a primitive tribal state to which the remaining mindless parasites unworthy
of the name "businessmen" must defer in order to maintain their idleness.
Antitrust laws in their intention are devastating to the perpetuation of
material prosperity in the United States. They had been upheld by the
mediocrities of the market, but also by the academic and political left, which
at the core of its philosophy pleads for the restriction of free economy. As a
disguise, the statists employ terms inapplicable to matters such as the
Microsoft case. They accuse corporations of "monopoly," "ruthlessness,"
"anti-competitiveness." Anyone who ponders the matter logically would, however,
realize that the public still possesses the opportunity to purchase the software
and services of Microsoft's rivals, that Microsoft is undertaking the most
humane and moral of ventures by acting for the benefit of its members while
depriving none of their rights and granting customers preferred commodities,
that Microsoft epitomizes competition by crafting outstanding computer systems
and therefore encouraging other enterprises in the business to surpass them and
act for their own benefit.
Though a choice strategy, superficial Newspeak is not the
driving force behind the left's campaign. What is? Dr. Edwin A. Locke reveals
that the genuine motivation is evil at its roots.
There is only one
fundamental reason why great businessmen or great companies are hated, and it
has nothing to do with so-called monopolies. They are hated... because they are
good, that is, smarter, more visionary, more creative, more tenacious, more
action-focused, more ambitious, and more successful than everyone else. Haters
of the good do not want the less able to be raised up to the level of the great
producers (which is impossible); they want the great producers to be brought
down. They want to use government coercion to cripple the greatest minds so that
lesser minds will not feel inferior. Government coercion against the productive
is a clear violation of their moral right to trade freely with other men.
Furthermore, depriving great minds, such as that of Bill Gates, of their right
to economic freedom also deprives the rest of us of what they could produce. The
freer such people are to function, the richer we all will be." (Edwin A.
Locke. "Hatred of the Good: Envy of Great Entrepreneurs Drives Microsoft
Attacks.")
And it is
precisely the overall increase of wealth, the glory of intellectual competence,
the freedom to improve one's life, that mediocrity in pursuit of power seeks to
undermine. The less innovative men, like the less efficient companies, will
struggle to destroy the good, instead of rising to their level, due to such
creatures’ mentalities of sloth, fear, hatred, envy, and ignorance. They (being
tacit or deliberate agents of the modern Party oligarchy) are unwilling to
comprehend reason and act on its principles; their schemes are irrational and
harmful to all. It is fitting that such blatant negligence of truth should be
founded upon nihilism, the hatred of the good for being the good, all the more
evil because it lacks justification. The verdict on Microsoft may have been
rescinded, but the antitrust laws remain, upheld by the very academic cliques
which epitomize the slavery of weaker men to the suicidal designs of
tribalism.
The Minimum Wage and the Institutionalized Proletariat
Yet companies face a menace from another direction which
deprives them of their funds and rights, the ever increasing minimum wage. It is
of no mind-boggling challenge to resolve that the artificial determination of
salaries results in widespread unemployment; a man will not remain hired by a
company in a situation where the quality of his labor does not warrant his cost
to the employer. A minimum wage is an effective prohibition of employment for
any person who possesses insufficient capacity to be worth the current hourly
rate of $5.15. It is detrimental to businesses, which will lose a substantial
portion of the pool of potential labor as well as current employees. Policy
analyst James Bovard describes the toll each subsequent increase of the minimum
wage had taken upon the laborers of the United States.
Congress raised
the minimum wage in nominal terms by 46 percent between 1977 and 1981; a federal
commission estimated that the minimum wage hikes resulted in the loss of 644,000
jobs, including jobs that were not created. The National Bureau of Economic
Research estimated that minimum wage hikes in 1980 and 1981 reduced the
employment of minimum wage workers by 3 to 4 percent. A 1983 General Accounting
Office report entitled 'Minimum Wage Policy Questions Persist' found 'virtually
total agreement that employment is lower than it would have been if no minimum
wage existed... Teenage workers have greater job losses, relative to their share
of the population or the employed work force, than adults. Congress... voted to
raise the minimum wage in 1989-- from $3.35 to $4.25 an hour. A 1991 National
Restaurant Association survey found that, as a result, 44 percent of restaurants
were forced to reduce the number of employee hours worked, and 42 percent
reduced the number of people employed. Professor Welch estimated that the 1989
increase in minimum wages reduced teenage employment by roughly 240,000
jobs." (James Bovard, Associate
Policy Analyst with the Cato Institute. Lost Rights: The Destruction of
American Liberty, 1994. "How Fair are the Fair Labor Standards?")
These statistics are mere reinforcement for common sense.
Yet the sheer horror of the initiatives lies in that they create a permanent
impoverished underclass. For the under-qualified, entry-level positions of low
salary are required to obtain experience in the workplace and thus the
enhancement of their capacities. An increase in their wages will be voluntarily
agreed to by an employer who would value them for their services to his
enterprise. In order to retain them on his payroll, he would be required to
furnish them with such funds as they deem acceptable in exchange for their
efforts. In a free-market system devoid of government interference in salary
contracts, one who believes himself not to be earning a sufficient amount will
abandon the present place of his employment and seek another. It is then common
sense to assume that the persons who are yet inadequately skilled to earn the
minimum wage would have been eager to attain a lesser amount had bureaucratic
intervention not barred them from such an option. Unable to improve their value
through practical experience and unwelcome in the workplace as they are
(although many companies, in a genuinely capitalist setting, would have been
pleased to hire them in performing basic tasks compatible with their expertise),
they are left to languish in poverty, maintained to a level of mere subsistence
by government welfare programs, becoming utterly dependent upon the state.
Renowned Austrian economist Ludwig von Mises describes
this phenomenon as institutional unemployment, a chronic condition unique to
settings in which coercive regulation of the economy is implemented. The
expanding underclass has been the major beneficiary of distribution initiatives
and the motive behind their rising expense, behind what is in essence the
broadening of government influence upon private lives. Let readers recall the
proles in Orwell’s dystopia, who are compared to cattle subsisting off of
government handouts in basic goods as well as “popular culture,” the State
stuffing them with food from one hand and inculcating them with decadence from
the other. The proles, over generations, have become content with their
undignified animal-like life cycles of birth in poverty, consumption of whatever
is available, breeding by thoughtless impulse, and death at sixty. Winston Smith
finds these shells of men to be so inextricably attached to the oligarchy that
any hope for their defiance is illusory. Are the parallels to the current
beneficiaries of America’s welfare system not
lucid?
In addition, the expenditures of businesses had become
augmented by their inability to obtain a work force at its rightful market
value. In order to function profitably, it is of frequent necessity for an
employer to reduce output and/or the improvement of his production capacities,
both qualities requiring the support of a sound financial base. The overall
economy becomes threatened by decline, for any nationwide wage hike affects
numerous enterprises, small and large. Consumers do not receive their products,
producers are unable to develop and innovate, workers are barred from labor, under circumstances in which a better
alternative is available, to be reached through the absence of minimum wage
regulations and the permission by the government of a capitalist economy
intervening in which is beyond the state's right in the first place!
However, instead of recognizing the elementary and rational option
gleaming before them, the bureaucrats continue to devastate the country with
additions to the minimum wage. The Democratic Party, reinforced by labor union
propaganda, is at present attempting to elevate this dreadful sum to $6.75 per
hour. Its demagogues demonstrate vehement and at times physical opposition to
anyone who dares oppose their dogma. Ludwig von Mises, in 1949 (which was,
incidentally, the year of 1984's
publication), had, too, spotted alarming tendencies of denunciation and
censorship applied to dissenters.
"The very essence
of the interventionist politicians' wisdom is to raise the prices of labor
either by government decree or by violent action or the threat of such action on
the part of labor unions. To raise wage rates above the height at which the
unhampered market would determine them is considered a postulate of the eternal
laws of morality as well as indispensable from the economic point of view.
Whoever dares to challenge this ethical and economic dogma is scorned both as
depraved and ignorant. Many of our contemporaries look upon people who are
foolhardy enough 'to cross a picket line' as primitive tribesmen looked upon
those who violated the precepts of taboo conceptions. Millions are jubilant if
such scabs receive their well-deserved punishment from the hands of the strikers
while the police, the public attorneys, and the penal courts preserve a lofty
neutrality or openly side with the strikers." (Ludwig von Mises, Human Action, 1949. "XXX. Interference
with the Structure of Prices.")
Labor Unions
and Collectivism
An irrational aversion to basic economic science drives
the socialist left and the labor unions, themselves collective organizations
which claim to uphold the rights of the worker, but in reality diminish them.
This is due to the inherent flaw of "collective bargaining", the robbing of
individual capacity to negotiate contracts and working conditions and its
surrender to a behemoth of an organization with a rigid agenda not pliable to
the will of a single rank-and-file member. The only measures successfully
implemented through the advocacy of such amorphous "wholes" are simplistic and
obedient to the tribal principle of "one size fits all". Considerations of
particular persons and their rational interests are impossible in a union and
not desired by its leadership. Should an individual find his wage or his
employer's overall wage policy adequate, he is nevertheless pressured to strike
and crush violently any resistance to a dogma antithetical to logic.
The fanaticism with which minimum wage had been upheld by
such groups is an alarming revelation of its fundamental evil.
"In all countries
the labor unions have actually acquired the privilege of violent action. The
governments have abandoned in their favor the essential attribute of government,
the exclusive power and right to resort to violent coercion and compulsion. Of
course, the laws which make it a criminal offense for any citizen to resort--
except in the case of self-defense-- to violent action have not been formally
repealed or amended. However, actually, labor union violence is tolerated within
broad limits. The labor unions are practically free to prevent by force anybody
defying their orders concerning wage rates and other labor conditions. They are
free to inflict with impunity bodily evils upon strikebreakers and upon
entrepreneurs... who employ strikebreakers. They are free to destroy property of
such employers and even to injure customers patronizing their shops. The
authorities, with the approval of public opinion, condone such acts. The police
do not stop such offenders, the state attorneys do not arraign them, and no
opportunity is offered to the penal courts to pass judgment on their actions. In
excessive cases, if the deeds of violence go too far, some lame and timid
attempts at repression and prevention are ventured. But as a rule they fail.
Their failure is sometimes due to bureaucratic inefficiency or to the
insufficiency of the means at the disposal of the authorities, but more often to
the unwillingness of the whole government apparatus to interfere
successfully." (Ludwig von Mises, Human Action, 1949. "XXX. Interference
with the Structure of Prices.")
Not merely do the bureaucrats frequently assist the
unions in legalizing their ludicrous demands, but they remain deliberately
passive toward blatant violations of human rights. A man who earns a prosperous
existence and deems his present contract to be satisfying is assailed, with his
life under fire, for refusing to relinquish his well-being and for rejecting, in
essence, the infliction of a similar act upon other human beings. Unions are not
content with mere discussion and debate on such a topic, for they are well aware
of the fact that all reason stands opposed to them. Their outright neglect of
the law stems from the irrationality of their doctrine, and it is evident that
the government's condonement of them stems from the irrationality of key
government officials.
If one considers the effects of the minimum wage and the nature of its
support, flowing from the most authoritarian and socialist cliques of the
country, one will realize that it is a tool of the Witch Doctors designed to
achieve the very consequences of economic deterioration, unemployment, expansion
of government intrusion into private life, and general decline of living
conditions. Suffering is a desired condition for the persons practicing
obsequious deference to the epitome of mindlessness, the Party. The moral
cloaking the would-be oligarchs provide for the dogma is capable of being
exposed by persons of insight, such as Ludwig von Mises.
"The problems of
labor unionism have been obfuscated and utterly confused by pseudo-humanitarian
blather. The advocates of minimum wage rates, whether decreed and enforced by
government or by violent action, contend that they are fighting for the
improvement of conditions for the working masses. They do not permit anyone to
question their dogma that minimum wage rates are the only appropriate means of
raising wage rates permanently and for all those eager to earn wages. They pride
themselves on being the only true friends of 'labor', of the 'common man', of
'progress', and of the eternal principles of 'social justice'." (Ludwig von
Mises, Doctor of Economics from the University of Vienna, globally renowned
economic theorist. Human Action,
1949. "XXX. Interference with the Structure of Prices.")
Yet labor is degraded by the unions' crusade, the common
man is left jobless, progress is halted, and social justice becomes a dim memory
from the age of near-laissez-faire. The practical results of the minimum wage
utterly refute the deceptive imagery associated with it by the indoctrinators.
The mask, however, is strengthened by its appeal to the impulses of the
ignorami, namely to sloth. The man who is the greatest beneficiary of minimum
wage initiatives is one who remains employed at a higher rate than his
capacities would normally have permitted him to receive. In a majority of cases,
due to a lack of material stimulus for him to improve in his skills, he will
remain incompetent and perfectly content, possessing the knowledge that his
wallet will not become thinned as a result. A large quantity of such depraved
persons occupying posts essential to the economy would result in the overall
plummeting of quality in goods and services and a deterioration of living
standards, another pathway to the world which the nihilistic evil of the Party
seeks to impose.
From Captains of Industry to
Blackguards
The educational institutions in America, as in Oceania, are integral to
maintaining the public toleration required for atrocities committed by
legislators and unions alike to remain unpunished. This is a suitable location
for the Dewey system to employ its catch phrases and "mutate" the past into a
scenario in which government regulations are perceived to have been the sole
cure to the "desolate conditions of the Victorian Age". It is not surprising
that great entrepreneurs such as John D. Rockefeller, James J. Hill, J. P.
Morgan, George Pullman, and Henry Ford are labeled as "robber barons",
"thieves", and "capitalist pigs". Little is taught in regard to the immense
boost in transportation and passenger convenience emerging from the concept of
mass production and the release of the Model T, or the fuel supplied by Standard
Oil to consumers, whose patronization rendered the venture possible on a
widespread scale. Rockefeller is accused of "mercilessly acquiring possessions
and ruthlessly buying out competitors," when in reality he had crafted
consensual agreements with less successful oilmen who comprehended that the sale
of their enterprises would bring them more substantial amounts of profit than
competition against Rockefeller would have. None of the aforementioned
industrialists had violated any principles of the free market; they did not
employ violence, they did not intrude upon other men's rights. They had crafted
their empires through trade and customer appeal, yet their greatness is
insufficient cover against the slandering remarks of ex-hippies who bear proudly
the badge of mediocrity. It is elementary to disprove the insults hurled at the
great producers, but such actions will only earn one immense hatred from the
entrenched paradigm. One will be condemned as being "immoral" because he defends
a man's right to material profit, "uncaring" because he condones “the colossal
prosperity of some while many others languish in destitute circumstances", "dry"
because he attempts to furnish rational and concrete proof for his claims,
"old-fashioned" because he advocates the concept of individualistic moral
absolutism. The indoctrinators do
not seek to evaluate objectively, nor to attain greater understanding, nor to
grant students valuable tools of independent thought. Their goal is to firmly
imprint an agenda which will subsequently fuel self-destructive scheme in the
witchlings themselves. They possess a "moral" framework with which to support
their rants, the nihilistic mutant of altruism. Ms. Rand writes of this in The Fountainhead:
"Men have been
taught that the highest virtue is not to achieve, but to give. Yet one cannot
give that which has not been created. Creation comes before distribution- or
there will be nothing to distribute. The need of the creator comes before the
need of any possible beneficiary. Yet we are taught to admire the second-hander
who dispenses gifts he has not produced above the man who made the gifts
possible. We praise an act of charity. We shrug at an act of achievement."
The "heroes" lauded by the statist/altruist paradigm are
precisely those who surrender their wealth for a purpose of no benefit to them.
The ones acclaimed are not even the wealthy entrepreneurs who contributed
regularly to the "less fortunate" without undermining the range of financial
opportunities available to them, but those who had relinquished funds for the
benefit of another while harming
themselves, i.e., acting in accordance with the mentality of sacrifice. According to the sacrificial
framework, Ford and Rockefeller were evil because they were successful and
intellectually competent as a prerequisite to their success. Anyone who defends
them is branded a "selfish bastard" for attempting to assert the egoistic values
of one's own life and pursuit of happiness.
As in 1984, the educational
system preaches of the despicable living conditions encountered by the masses
during the Industrial Revolution and the growth of entrepreneurship. Textbooks
are devoted to the desolation of the urban slums and the arduous factory labor
performed by their residents. They neglect to state that institutional poverty
had not been in existence until the advent of the regulators, that a majority of
these occupants (over 35% of the inhabitants of New York City in 1910, for
example) had been immigrants from other lands, who had arrived penniless in the
United States and for whom the slums were a transition stage toward
middle-classmanship, in any case an improvement over their previous status of no
means of support whatsoever. They omit the fact that life expectancy had surged
by twenty years during the nineteenth century, and another twenty-five in the
early years of the twentieth, that commodities had become available to the
“common man” which were previously accessible (due to the immense difficulty of
manufacturing in an age of unit production by hand) only to the privileged few.
The Deweyites and their political comrades disregard the truth that, absent the
efforts of the great capitalists, the United States would have remained blighted
as are regions of Africa and Southeast Asia today. Men like Ford and Rockefeller
had performed the public a greater service as a side effect than the hordes of
establishment altruists could have directly, because self-interest is advantageous to all those
seeking ascent, while sacrifice is detrimental to all things living.
Consider, in contrast, that the United States life expectancy increased
from 1950 to 2004 by a mere seven years, from 71 to 78, while Americans still
fly on the same jumbo jets of thirty-five years ago, use the same obsolete,
congested roads, and are unable to make a step of progress in space since the
space shuttle debacle (with the exception of the sole privately-funded flight of SpaceShipOne
in 2004), all due to government
regulation. Yet the oligarchy practices the ultimate evil by refusing to
acknowledge the above conclusions of reason and common sense, for it is opposed
to both. Its foolhardy war against the very essence of humanity has become the
root of and its justification for the shackling of the economy.
Collectivist and altruist excuses of the need for
"charity" and "class justice" are naught but calls for sloth and tribalism. When
the bureaucrats play favorites with labor unions and "the interests of the
proletariat," the effects are devastating to all. In the words of Ayn Rand, "It
makes no difference whether government controls allegedly favor the interests of
labor or business, of the poor or the rich, of a special class or a special
race: the results are the same. The notion that a dictatorship can benefit any
one social group at the expense of others is a worn remnant of the Marxist
mythology of class warfare, refuted by half a century of factual evidence. All
men are victims and losers under a dictatorship; nobody wins-- except the ruling
clique." Nobody wins except the ruling clique driven by suicidal impulses and
the desire to see men suffer.
Nothing wins except the grim boot that tramples on the face and the
spirit of man in Oceania.
—(07/15/05)
[Discuss This Article.]
Mr. Stolyarov is a science fiction novelist, independent philosophical essayist, poet, amateur mathematician, composer, contributor to Enter Stage Right and SoloHQ, writer for Objective Medicine, and Editor-in-Chief of The Rational Argumentator, a magazine championing the Western principles of reason, rights, and progress [http://www.geocities.com/rationalargumentator/masterindex.html].
Mr. Stolyarov is also the recipient of the February 2004 Editor's Choice Award for Outstanding Achievement in Poetry, presented by poetry.com and the International Library of Poets.
He can be contacted at gennadystolyarovii@yahoo.com.
You can learn about Mr. Stolyarov’s newest science fiction novel, Eden against the Colossus, at http://www.geocities.com/rational_argumentator/eac.html."
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