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Extremism versus Fanaticism
by G. Stolyarov II
The War on Our Own Citizens continues. More precisely, Britain’s war on
its own citizens has just been
initiated. In an earlier treatise, I described the devastating effect that the
Western governments’ reactions to the July 7, 2005, London terror attacks had on
the liberty and privacy of air travelers. But the misdirected, detrimental
effects of domestic government “security” policies can be far more insidious,
aiming at the very intellectual core
of what it means to live in a free, Western nation historically based on
individualist premises. One of Tony Blair’s new policies entails the possibility
of targeting not terrorists, nor even violent criminals, but anybody whose views
diverge from the “center” or the “mainstream.” Our most sacred liberties are in
danger, because a scapegoat has taken the blame for terror activities, and is
now bearing the consequences of retaliation. This scapegoat is
“extremism.”
On August 5, 2005, Associated Press reported the following comment by Tony Blair: “We are angry. We are angry about
extremism and about what they are doing to our country, angry about their abuse
of our good nature. We welcome people here who share our values and our way of
life. But don’t meddle in extremism, because if you meddle in it… you are going
back out again.” To accompany this statement, Blair has introduced new
“stricter” measures, allegedly to fight terror. According to Associated Press,
these measures are designed to “allow Britain to expel foreigners who preach
hatred, close extremist mosques, and bar entry to Muslim radicals.” Curiously
enough, not one of these three points combats actual terrorism, i.e., violent attacks on
innocent individuals with the intention of gaining political
advantages.
Furthermore, “authorities will draw up lists of radical preachers who
will not be allowed to enter Britain, and a list of radical websites and
bookstores. Any foreigner who ‘actively engages’ with those places could face
deportation.” It is one thing to close down an organization known to be
specifically planning or endorsing a given terror activity, but these new
measures amount to blatant censorship of ideas alone, and the punishment of
individuals who espouse them. Organizations which serve as meeting places and
discussion forums for actual terrorists, or which funnel money to terrorist
activities, or which recruit or persuade individuals to engage in acts of terror
are one matter. “Radicals,” “extremists,” and “preachers of hatred” are a whole
other issue entirely.
Note that nowhere is it stated that the new policies would be limited to
proponents of Wahhabi Islam, or Islamic fundamentalism, alone. Indeed, the scope
of their applicability is left conveniently vague. This is, however, despite the
glaring fact, which Western governments have done their best to evade and hush
up, that virtually all terror activities directed at Western civilians or
soldiers have been committed by Wahhabi Islamists. Blair’s new policies are
conveniently vague not by accident, but by deliberation. Their ultimate,
long-term intent is not to prevent
further bombings. One prevents bombings by arresting bombers, not talkers. Nor
is it to reduce the sway Wahhabi Islam holds on the British. After the London
bombings, most British residents’ disgust, horror, and outrage at the atrocity
will surely forever keep them from joining its perpetrators, even in spirit. If
anything, the London bombings undermined
the support that Wahhabi Islam held among the British. The subtle aim of
Blair’s measures is to crush any form
of “extremism” or “radicalism,” i.e., any thought or idea that deviates from the
“mainstream.” I fear far more for the “extremist” laissez-faire capitalists that
might become victims of these policies than for the people who will not be
harmed by terror attacks that will not occur if these measures are abandoned.
Extremism: The
Anti-Concept
In 1965, the great thinker Ayn Rand wrote an article titled,
“’Extremism’ or the Art of Smearing,” published in The
Capitalist Manifesto. At the time, “extremism” was a new term, invented
with the insidious purpose of equating the views of “extreme rightists,” i.e.,
those of the advocates of capitalism, with the actions of the Communist Party
and the Ku Klux Klan. How did the enemies of capitalism manage such a ludicrous
and evidently self-contradictory conflation of terms? When Rand wrote of a 1965
“moderate” Republican convention, she noted the following.
“First, observe the peculiar
incongruity of the concretes chosen as the objects of the ‘moderates’’ hatred:
‘the Communist Party, the Ku Klux Klan, and the John Birch Society.’ If one
attempts to abstract the common attribute, the principle, by which these three groups could be linked
together, one finds none…
To begin with, ‘extremism’ is a term
which, standing by itself, has no meaning. The concept of ‘extreme’ denotes a
relation, a measurement, a degree. The dictionary gives the following
definitions: ‘Extreme, adj.—1. of a
character or kind farthest removed from the ordinary or average. 2. utmost or exceedingly great in
degree.’
It
is obvious that the first question one has to ask, before using that term, is: a
degree—of what?
To
answer: ‘Of anything!’ and to proclaim that any extreme is evil because it is an
extreme—to hold the degree of a
characteristic, regardless of its nature, as evil—is an absurdity… Measurements, as
such, have no value-significance—and acquire it only from the nature of that
which is being measured.
Are an extreme of health and an extreme of disease
equally undesirable? Are extreme intelligence and extreme stupidity—both equally
far removed ‘from the ordinary or average’—equally unworthy? Are extreme honesty
and extreme dishonesty equally immoral? Are a man of extreme virtue and a man of
extreme depravity equally evil?
In Rand’s example, it was clear that the
“moderates” did not intend to target the Communist Party or the Ku Klux Klan
with their denunciations of “extremism.” Both were already known as atrocious
organizations and widely detested. The John Birch society was the only real
target on the list of three, and the term, “extremism” was used to equate it
with the communists and the klansmen by means of a definition based on
non-essentials (such as the degree of a quality rather than the nature of the
quality itself). And even the Birch Society, according to Rand, was a straw man
for the real enemy of the “moderates”: principled advocacy of capitalism. If the
“moderates,” i.e., the advocates of welfare-statism, managed to cast all
rightists as “extremists” in the sense that they characterized the Birch Society
as being, then they might succeed in directing legitimate public distaste for
communism and racism against the only consistent opposite to communism and racism:
laissez-faire capitalism. What was the vision of those who wielded the term
“extremism” against their opponents? Rand reveals it to be
The
safely undefined, indeterminate, mixed-economy, ‘moderate’ middle—with a
‘moderate’ amount of government favors and special privileges for the rich and a
‘moderate’ amount of government handouts for the poor—with a ‘moderate’ respect
for rights and a ‘moderate’ degree of brute force—with a ‘moderate’ amount of
freedom and a ‘moderate’ amount of slavery—with a ‘moderate’ degree of justice
and a ‘moderate’ degree of injustice—with a ‘moderate’ amount of security and a
‘moderate’ amount of terror [How appropriate for today’s situation and
prescient of the true implication of Blair’s policies!]—and with a moderate degree of tolerance for
all, except those ‘extremists’ who uphold principles, consistency, objectivity,
morality, and who refuse to compromise.
This mixed-economy welfare state is the status quo
for just about every Western country. Rand was right to note that the welfare
state is never stable. It inevitably resolves itself into one of the two
“extreme” elements which constitute it: total freedom or total tyranny. Today,
the term, “extremist,” uses as its straw man the terrorist, who would seek to plunge
Western countries into total tyranny, while actually marking as its target the
capitalist, the man who would seek the diametrically opposite “extreme,” total
freedom.
Blair is the current head of Britain’s Labour
Party, a welfare-statist political force if ever there was one. Governing over a
welfare state which largely follows Labour’s ideal, Blair is invested in the
status quo, in theory and in practice. It is therefore no error to assume that
he will work to strengthen the status quo which keeps him in power, the welfare
state, and to secure it against all
threats to its existence. The terrorists threaten the existence of the
welfare state, because they believe that the welfare state is insufficiently coercive. But, likewise,
the advocates of unadulterated capitalism are a threat to the welfare state,
because they believe it to be too
coercive. Furthermore, they are a far graver threat to the welfare state
than a horde of irrational, illiterate, suicidal users of explosives who enrage
more than they persuade. The capitalists have a breadth and depth of
argumentation, history, principles, and practice on their side that no other
party could match. They do not coerce anybody with their activities, because
they neither need to nor believe in the validity of such coercion. In any sane
country, they are given full freedom to express their views, which consequently
win on the free market of ideas and uproot the welfare state. The only way to
combat the growth of these ideas, and to entrench the welfare state, is through
censorship and punishment of such “extreme” notions.
Radical Scapegoating
The term, “radical,” is a synonym for the term,
“extreme.” Dictionary.com provides three definitions of the word, all of
them instructive:
- Arising from or going to a root or source;
basic: proposed a radical solution to the problem.
- Departing markedly from the usual or
customary; extreme: radical opinions on education.
- Favoring or effecting fundamental or
revolutionary changes in current practices, conditions, or institutions:
radical political views.
Of urgent notice is the fact that none of the
above, genuine definitions of “radical” contain an element of violence in them.
Radicalism does not imply hatred, it does not imply coercion, and it certainly
does not imply terrorism. Definition #1 illustrates clearly that “radical” also
means “principled,” addressing the root of a given issue and applying the
insights thus gained, rather than just adhering to superficialities. Anybody who
holds consistent basic premises and rigorously applies them to specific issues
is a radical. In other words, Tony Blair’s policies could be extended to
persecute anyone who competently employs the deductive method. By Definition #2,
anybody who is outside the “mainstream” on some issue, anybody who disagrees
with a majority of his peers on what ideas are correct, or even what books,
films, clothing, and hairstyles are desirable could be construed as a radical.
By Definition #3, anybody who disagrees with his welfare-statist rulers about
the proper form of government, anybody who wishes to reform today’s bloated,
omnipresent, simultaneously imploding and exploding state behemoths, is a
radical, and fair game for censorship, deportation, or arrest without charges.
Hatred, the Ever
Vague
Of the trio that Blair is targeting--“extremism,” “radicalism,” and
“hatred”—the third term is the most ambiguous. Of all the above terms, it is
also the simplest to define. Dictionary.com states that it is simply “intense animosity or
hostility.” This, of course, begs the question: animosity or hostility toward what? The answer? Absolutely
anything at all! I am glad that I do not live in Britain, for if I had, and
dared to express my personal distaste for a pair of homosexuals kissing in the
middle of a crowded restaurant, I could be construed as a “preacher of hatred”
in a culture that is even more over-sensitive and politically correct toward
homosexuals than is that of the United States. Is hatred defined based on the
perceptions of “intense animosity” of the sender of a given message, or its
receiver? The answer, in a politically correct society, is either. Provided that one is of a
protected “minority” group, his/her/its definition of “hatred” will always be
upheld. If one happens to be a white male rationalist, however, one is presumed guilty of “hatred” before one
even opens one’s mouth. Once again, the term “hatred” is sufficiently convenient
in its vagueness to use terrorism advocates as straw men for the British
government’s true target: political incorrectness.
One might also note that “hatred” need not be directed at a person. An
idea, policy, or institution can easily be its target. And he who opposes the
idea of collectivism, the policy of government’s systematic intrusion on
privacy, or the very institution of the welfare state itself, could quite
elementarily be construed as a “preacher of hatred” against the aforementioned.
Blair’s policies are a glaring danger for all free thought, principled living,
and political dissent.
“Moderate”
Fanaticism
To baffle just about every modern government official in existence, I
will state another fact that has slipped them by. The reason why terrorists are a danger is
not because they are extreme in their
views. Rather, they are a danger because they are fanatical about imposing their views on
others through force. The extremist and the fanatic are seldom one and the same,
and seldom does fanaticism stem for any consistent, radical set of principles whatsoever.
One cannot, after all, call the terrorists masters at profound, integrated
ideology, even their own ideology of fundamentalist Islam. Their own “sacred”
book, the Koran, prohibits attacks on innocent civilians, after
all.
The defining premise of the
fanatic is not extremism, or even ideology per se. It is orthodoxy. As I wrote in
“The Mark of the Fanatic:”
The
Islamic fundamentalist seeks to, with vicious fervor, enforce a pristine
orthodoxy of Muslim ritual, down to the sorts of foods a ‘believer’ should or
should not eat, or the type of headgear he should wear. The screeching demagogue
of the New Left seeks, with bitter, uncoordinated rage, to enforce an orthodoxy
of ‘victimization.’ Woe to him who dares assert that the livelihood of modern
African-Americans is not tarnished by the specter of slavery, or that no
inherent gender-discrimination exists in contemporary America, or that the free
market would not somehow inhibit the opportunities of poor children, or that the
elderly would not be ruthlessly robbed and cheated in a free market for medicine
and pensions! The hippie will smear him with the names, “fascist,” “cold-hearted
brute,” “Eurocentric patriarchal bigot,” or that favorite obscenity of the
“counterculture” and its intellectual descendants, “f****r.” And of course, the
moderates who use the emergence of terror as an excuse to suggest a suppression
of “extremism” are themselves advocates of the most vicious orthodoxy of them
all, the status quo. What else
could be more “conventional and accepted?” What else could be more stereotypical
and less systematic than a random hodgepodge of whatever most people happen to
feel or wish or, more rarely, think at some particular time? It can be
generalized from this that a
fanatic is inextricably linked to an orthodoxy and seeks to defend an orthodoxy
against any “unbelievers.”
With
the use of the status quo as the quintessential orthodoxy, one may ask the
question, “But does the status quo truly espouse any principles? Is it not
an-ever shifting set of often self-contradictory beliefs, which cannot even at
any instant be pinpointed to or related with any absolute?” And I will answer
that this question strikes the mark precisely when identifying the nature of the
status quo. It is not based on principles; nor is an orthodoxy. The fanatic
defending it defends not principles but conventionality. He enforces it not because he seeks to
champion a cause, but because he seeks a cause to champion, not for the sake of
the cause but for the sake of the championing.
Earlier on in the treatise cited, I had suggested
a definition of fanaticism: “excessive intolerance of opposing views.” This
definition has nothing to do with extremism, but it perfectly characterizes the
mindset of every terrorist who ever lived. Were the terrorist not concerned with
imposing his own views on others, with limiting the range of others’
non-coercive free choice, would he have undertaken his bombing attacks? The
extremist, on the other hand, is more often than not quite tolerant, both of
“moderates” and of others with “extreme” views. He recognizes that the majority
sentiment is not aligned with him, and if somebody’s freedom is to be the first
to go, his will be it. Therefore, he will likely defend all freedom zealously, in hopes of
thereby preserving his own. The extremist is intense in expressing his views,
but he is, in the overwhelming majority of cases, nonviolent, civil, and far
more interesting than the typical purveyor of the “mainstream.”
The extremist does not typically have a firmly
established societal mechanism to promote his ideas; if he had, he would already
be in the mainstream! Therefore, he has to work on a level of small-scale
activities: a conversation here, a debate there, a series of articles, perhaps,
all aimed at creating the slightest foothold for his views with the minimum cost
to the extremist himself. Certainly, he would not even wish to put his good name
on the line, not even to mention his life, for his views. Any victory, no matter
how small, is a cause for the extremist’s celebration, but, if he does not
succeed today, he is willing to shrug it off and try again tomorrow. He is never
so desperate as to risk the standard of living he already enjoys and endanger everything he holds dear in a gamble of
violent terrorism.
The purveyor of orthodoxy, however, has everything to lose from any contender,
from whichever direction he might come. The orthodoxy, or the “mainstream” of
any given society, discipline, or movement, already controls vital means to
power and influence, and it would not control them if it had not desired to do so. There are two ways for
any orthodoxy to go: up, at the expense of the dissenters, or down, to their
benefit. Since both the leaders and the rank-and-file of the orthodoxy do not
seek to lose their treasured political or social sway, they are the most likely
to employ vicious fanaticism and coercion in targeting those extremists who disagree with them. The
more rational the disagreement, the more formidable it is, and the more the
orthodoxy will seek to suffocate it.
The culture of the West, with its basic
individualist premise, its capitalist economy, and its abundance of material
prosperity, poses a serious challenge to the theocratic, authoritarian orthodoxy
of the Middle East. Those who advocate the pre-Western status quo have the most
to lose from the advance of Western prosperity and freedom into their lands.
With the terror mastermind Osama bin Laden as their arch-embodiment, they
recognize that the coming of Western culture is the most rational disagreement
possible with the Sharia-based societal structures that preceded it. The
effectiveness of the West’s influence has been shown in the colossal number of
Middle Easterners who had willingly embraced it, becoming swayed by the
rationality of Western ways. The old Wahhabi orthodoxy is a pushover in the
realm of argument, but, in the realm of force, it could stand a chance. In
effect, because Western
individualism, capitalism, and rationalism were mighty stimuli for change in the
Middle East, they elicited an equally dramatic response in the form of terror.
Terrorism is the manifestation of the old Middle Eastern “mainstream” fighting
to prevail against superior “radical” infusions from abroad. The cause of terror would have been a
futile one, doomed to lose, had not the West been plagued by power-hungry
orthodoxies of its own, in the form of its welfare-statist governments, which
stifle the progress of freedom and capitalism to a degree that terrorists can
only dream of.
It can be seen now that the policies of Tony
Blair, in their insistence on preserving the status quo orthodoxy in Britain,
stem, in a way, from the same basic premises that cause terrorism itself, a
distaste for the innovation and renovation that can save a society from the grip
of all orthodoxies. Only “radicals” and “extremists” committed to the principles
of freedom, individualism, and capitalism can bring about this orthodoxy-free
society of full liberty and toleration. Not surprisingly, it is those same
“radicals” and “extremists” to whom both Tony Blair and the terrorists show a
staunch opposition, along with the readiness to use coercion if need be. The same peaceful, freedom-loving,
thoughtful, innovative individuals whom the terrorists despise most of all are
valid targets of Blair’s new domestic measures!
If this eventual outcome were not Blair’s intention, then why did he
structure his policies deliberately
to target anyone except actual
violent criminals and terrorists, and to render especially vulnerable those who
the support the opposite of
everything terrorists stand for? Is this an honest error? Ayn Rand would have
said that mistakes of this size are never made by accident. It is certainly not
by accident that the British government has rendered itself capable of closing
your bookstore or shutting down your intellectual website. Nor will the British
government by any means relinquish its newly endowed authority once the terror
threat subsides.
Were she alive today, Ayn Rand would have
urged a staunch, vocal opposition against Blair’s new methods of “moderate”
fanaticism. In her words, “There can be
no compromise on basic principles. There can be no compromise on moral issues.
There can be no compromise on matters of knowledge, of truth, of rational
conviction. If an uncompromising stand is to be smeared as ‘extremism,’ then
that smear is directed at any devotion to values, any loyalty to principles, any
profound conviction, any consistency, any steadfastness, any passion, any
dedication to an unbreached, inviolate truth—any man of integrity.” It will
take men of integrity to stand up and show Tony Blair’s wanton power grab for
what it truly is.
—(08/18/05)
[Discuss This Article.]
"Mr. Stolyarov is a science fiction novelist, independent philosophical
essayist, poet, amateur mathematician, composer, contributor to Enter Stage
Right and Le Quebecois Libre, and Editor-in-Chief of The Rational Argumentator, a magazine championing
the Western principles of reason, rights, and progress [http://www.geocities.com/rational_argumentator/index.html].
Mr. Stolyarov is also the recipient of the February 2004 Editor's Choice
Award for Outstanding Achievement in Poetry, presented by poetry.com and the
International Library of Poets. He can be contacted at
gennadystolyarovii@yahoo.com.
You can learn about Mr. Stolyarov’s newest science fiction novel, Eden
against the Colossus, at http://www.geocities.com/rational_argumentator/eac.html.
Information about his latest non-fiction treatise, A Rational Cosmology,
is available at http://www.geocities.com/rational_argumentator/rc.html."
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